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Henry Steel Olcott
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By Stephen Prothero
EACH YEAR on February 17, Buddhists throughout Sri Lanka light
brass lamps and offer burning incense to commemorate the anniversary of the
death of an American-born Buddhist hero. In Theravadan temples, saffron-robed
monks bow down before his photograph, and boys and girls in schoolhouses across
the country offer gifts in his memory. “May the merit we have gained by these
good deeds,” they meditate, “pass on to Colonel Olcott, and may he gain
happiness and peace.”
Disinterested historians describe Henry Steel Olcott as
the president-founder of the Theosophical Society, one of America’s first
Buddhists, and an important contributor to both the Indian Renaissance in India
and the Sinhalese Buddhist Revival in Ceylon (now Sri Lanka). Less objective
observers have allotted Olcott an even more central place in sacred history. A
prime minister of Ceylon praised Olcott as “one of the heroes in the struggle
for our independence and a pioneer of the present religious, national, and
cultural revival.”
In the land of his birth,
Olcott has been less graciously received. The New York Times denounced him during his lifetime as “an unmitigated
rascal”—”a man bereft of reason” whose “insanity, though harmless, is,
unfortunately, incurable.” The Dictionary
of American Biography, noting that Olcott has been considered “a fool, a
knave, and a seer,” concludes that he was probably “a little of all three.”
DESCENDED FROM Puritans, Henry Steel Olcott was born in 1832 into a
pious Presbyterian household in Orange, New Jersey. After a short stint at what
is now New York University, Olcott went west toward the frontier in search of
youthful adventures. In Ohio, at the age of twenty, he became a convert to
spiritualism. Soon he was championing a host of other causes, including
antislavery, agricultural reform, women s rights, cremation, and temperance.
He worked for a time as an experimental fanner, served a stint in the Army, and
even worked as an investigator on the special commission charged with
scrutinizing President Lincoln’s assassination. But he eventually returned to
New York City, where he supported himself as a journalist and insurance
lawyer. In 1874, while covering reports of spirits materializing at a farmhouse
in Chittenden, Vermont, he struck up a friendship with Russian occultist Helena
Petrovna Blavatsky. One year later, he and Blavatsky co-founded the
Theosophical Society, an organization that would soon play a major role in
introducing Americans to the ancient wisdom of the East.
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Madame Blavatsky and Henry Steel Olcott
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AFTER MOVING THEMSELVES and their society to India in 1879, Olcott
and Blavatsky decided it was time to
visit Ceylon. They arrived in Colombo on May 16, 1880. Apparently, their reputations
had preceded them, since they received what Olcott later described as a royal
welcome:
A huge crowd awaited us and rent the air with their united shout of
“Sadhu! Sadhu!” A white cloth was spread for us from the jetty steps to the
road where carriages were ready, and a thousand flags were frantically waved in
welcome.
Shortly after this reception,
on May 25, at the Wijananda Monastery
in Galle, Olcott and Blavatsky each knelt before a huge image of the Buddha and
“took pansil” by reciting in broken
Pali the Three Refuges and the Five Precepts of Theravada Buddhism, thus
becoming the first European-Americans to publicly and formally become lay
Buddhists.
Later Olcott underscored the
difference between what he termed a “regular Buddhist” and “a debased modem
Buddhist sectarian.” “If Buddhism contained a single dogma that we were
compelled to accept, we would not have taken the pansil nor remained Buddhists ten minutes,” he explained. “Our Buddhism
was that of the Master-Adept Gautama Buddha, which was identically the Wisdom
Religion of the Aryan Upanishads, and the soul of all the ancient
world-faiths.” Even on the day of his conversion to Buddhism, Olcott was
discriminating between the “false” Buddhism of the Sinhalese people, which was
in his view modem, debased, sectarian, and creedal, and his ostensibly true
Buddhism — ancient, pure, nonsectarian,
and nondogmatic.
DURING HIS FIRST visit to the island, Olcott founded seven lay
branches and one monastic branch of the Buddhist Theosophical Society (BTS). He
was explicit about modeling his Asian work after Christian examples: “As the Christians have their Society for
the diffusion of Christian knowledge, so this should be a society for the
diffusion of Buddhist knowledge.” Olcott also founded, again on Christian
models, Buddhist secondary schools and Sunday schools affiliated with the BTS,
thus initiating what would become a long and successful campaign for
Western-style Buddhist education in Ceylon.
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Henry Steel Olcott and Rev. Sumangala
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Thanks to these efforts, Olcott
and Blavatsky left Ceylon in July of 1880 as folk heroes. They had met a number
of high-ranking monks, chief among them Hikkaduve Sumangala, who would soon
become Olcott’s most faithful Sinhalese ally. Equally important, Olcott and
Blavatsky had been embraced by a large number of Sinhalese laypeople.
OLCOTT HAD PLANNED upon his arrival in India in 1879 to spend some
time learning about Hinduism and Buddhism from Eastern experts, then to return
to America, where he would devote the rest of his life to promoting Theosophy
and building up the Theosophical Society. But the celebrity status that Olcott
achieved during his first Ceylon tour led him to reevaluate his plans.
Gradually he was coming to see himself more as a teacher than as a student. He
was also coming to view India as his home. But perhaps most important, he was
beginning to emerge from behind Blavatsky’s formidable shadow. Because the tour
itself highlighted Olcott’s oratorical skills rather than Blavatsky’s
parlor-room charisma, Olcott garnered as much influence, if not as much fame,
as his traveling companion. Before their departure the Sinhalese people were
praising Blavatsky, but they were also hailing Olcott as one of their own —
“The White Buddhist.”
OLCOTT SET SAIL for Ceylon in April 1881 for a second tour. Together
with Mohottivatte Gunananda, the monk who had spearheaded the first phase of
the Sinhalese Buddhist revival, he crisscrossed the western province for eight
months in a bullock cart of his own design. Villagers flocked, according to
Olcott, to witness the mechanical wonders of this device, complete with
lockers for furniture and books, canvas roof to keep out rain, and cushioned
central compartment with removable planks that could seat eight for dinner or
sleep four. All testified to Olcotts Yankee ingenuity. When not impressing the
Sinhalese with his cleverness and hard work, Olcott looked the part of the
anti-Christian missionary. He sold merit cards and solicited subscriptions to
support his National Education Fund, wrote and distributed anti-Christian and
pro-Buddhist tracts, and secured support for his educational reforms from
representatives of the island’s three monastic sects.
Olcott remained disturbed by
what he perceived as the shocking ignorance of the Sinhalese about Buddhism.”
This was an odd sort of judgment for a recent convert who had purportedly come
to Asia not to teach but to learn. It was, however, a judgment that Olcott
shared with many nineteenth-century academic Orientalists. Like Olcott,
pioneering Buddhologists such as Rhys Davids (whom Olcott eagerly read) tended
to reduce the Buddhist tradition to what the Buddha did and what the Buddhist
scriptures said. This tendency permitted them to praise the ancient wisdom of
the East and to condemn its modern manifestations—to view Asian religious
traditions much like Calvin viewed the human race: as fallen from some Edenic
past. It was Olcott’s uncritical and unconscious appropriation of this aspect
of academic Orientalism that led him to the rather absurd conclusion that
Ceylon’s Buddhists knew little, if anything, about “real” Buddhism. Like his
hated missionaries and his beloved Orientalists, Olcott assumed the right to
define what Buddhism really was. Unlike them, however, he assumed the duty to
stir the Sinhalese masses from their ignorance, to instill in them his own creole
representation of their Buddhist faith.
IN DEVISING HIS strategy
for this didactic mission, Olcott turned yet again to the missionary example.
He decided to compile for use in his Buddhist schools a catechism of basic
Buddhist principles, “on the lines of the similar elementary handbooks so
effectively used among Western Christian sects,” both Protestant and Catholic.
Olcott’s The Buddhist Catechism, which
would eventually go through more than forty editions and be translated into
over twenty languages, is in many ways the defining document of his Buddhism.
It first appeared, in both English and Sinhalese, on July 24, 1881. Hugely
influential, it is still used today in Sri Lankan schools.
While Olcott himself
characterized his Catechism as an
“antidote to Christianity,” a shocking reliance on that tradition was evident
in its explicitly Christian questions:
Q. Was the Buddha God?
A. No. Buddha Dharma teaches no “divine” incarnation.
Q. Do Buddhists accept the theory that everything has been formed out of nothing by a Creator?
A. We do not believe in miracles; hence we deny creation, and cannot conceive of a creation of
something out of nothing.
Olcott’s ostensibly
non-Christian Buddhism sounded like liberal Protestantism. More than an antidote
to Christianity, Olcott’s Catechism was
a borneopathic cure, treating the scourge of Christianity with a dose of the
same. His critique of Christianity shared many elements with liberal
Protestants’ critique of Christian orthodoxy, including a distrust of miracles,
an emphasis on reason and experience. a tendency toward self-reliance, and a
disdain for hell. Like their Jesus, his Buddha was a quintessential Christian
gentleman: sweet and convincing, the very personification of “self-culture and
universal love.
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Ceylonese postage stamp issued
in 1967 to commemorate Olcott's contributions to the Sinhalese Buddhist Revival
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RETURNING TO COLOMBO on
July 18, 1882, for his third Ceylon tour. Olcott discovered that the Buddhist
Theosophical Society was “lifeless” and the revival was ‘at a standstill.’ Of
the 13,000 rupees that had been pledged to the National Education Fund, only
100 had been collected. More ominously, a contingent of Roman Catholic missionaries
had converted a well near a Buddhist pilgrimage site into a Lourdes-like
healing shrine. Olcott feared “a rush of ignorant Buddhists into Catholicism.”
In an attempt to break the Catholic monopoly over this crucial segment of the
religious marketplace, Olcott pleaded for a monk to step forward and perform
healings “in the name of lord Buddha.” But when no monk came forward, he
decided to do the work himself.
Olcott’s first healing in Asia
occurred on August 29, 1882. When a man said to be totally paralyzed in one arm
and partially disabled in one leg approached him after a lecture, Olcott
recalled his youthful experiments with mesmerism and made a few perfunctory
passes over the man’s arm. The next day the man returned with reports of
improved health, and Olcott began to treat him systematically Soon the man
could, in Olcott’s words, “whirl his bad arm around his head, open and shut his
hand,.., jump with both feet, hop on the paralyzed one, kick equally high
against the wall with both, and run freely.” News of the Colonel’s healing
powers spread across the island “as a match to loose straw” and his fundraising
tour was immediately transformed into a roadshow featuring the miraculous
healing hands of the instantly charismatic “White Buddhist.” Olcott publicly
attributed his healings to the Buddha. Privately he credited the German
physician Franz Mesmer.
Now that Olcott possessed a
gift on a par with Blavatsky’s conjuring abilities, scores of patients lined up
outside the Theosophical Society headquarters in Adyar (a suburb of Madras),
and on an 1882 tour of Bengal Olcott supposedly treated 2,812 patients. Soon,
however, the seemingly insatiable needs of his followers overwhelmed Olcott.
His popularity became a burden and when, toward the end of 1883, the
Theosophical Masters (adepts with whom Blavatsky is supposed to have
communicated telepathically) handed down an order to stop the healings, Olcott
happily complied.
Before his healing tours of
1882 and 1883, Olcott had recruited most of his Sinhalese and Indian followers
from among the English-speaking middle classes. But his celebrated cures
popularized his message, especially in Ceylon, where he may have inspired
messianic expectations among Sinhalese peasants.
OLCOTT SOLIDIFIED HIS ROLE as a leader of the Sinhalese Buddhist
Revival in the wake of a tragic Buddhist-Christian riot that occurred on March
25, 1883, in Kotahena, a Catholic stronghold of Colombo. On that day a
Buddhist procession marched through the streets on the way to Mohottivatte Gunananda’s
newly decorated monastery, the Deepaduttama Vihara, where a new Buddha image
was to be dedicated. When the procession approached a Roman Catholic cathedral
located a few hundred yards from the temple, the cathedral bell sounded,
followed almost immediately by bells in other Catholic churches in the area. As
if in response to a signal, about a thousand men descended on the procession
and a bloody brawl ensued. Authorities summoned eighty policemen, but their
batons were no match for the clubs, swords, and stones of the mob. During the
three-hour melee, one man was killed and forty others were injured.
As the Governor’s Riots
Commission investigated the affair, Catholics and Buddhists took each other to
court. Numerous cases were filed, but authorities eventually dropped all
charges because of a lack of “reliable evidence.” After it had become clear that the Catholics would not be tried, a group
of Sinhalese monks and laypeople cabled Olcott urging him to come to Ceylon.
Upon his arrival on January 27, 1884, Olcott organized a Buddhist Defense
Committee, which elected him an
honorary member and charged him to travel to London as its representative, “to
ask for such redress and enter into such engagements as may appear to him judicious.”
Thus, for the first time Olcott’s role as an intermediary between East and West
became apparent, not only to himself but to Buddhists and colonial
administrators alike.
Before he left for London, a
group of high-ranking Buddhist monks gave Olcott a solemn farewell ceremony, in
which they authorized him “to register as Buddhists persons of any nation who
may make to him application, to administer the Three Refuges and Five Precepts
and to organize societies for the promotion of Buddhism.” The first person of
European descent to be given such an honor, Olcott thus became the first Buddhist
missionary to the West.
WHEN OLCOTT ARRIVED in London in
April 1884, British colonial officials were already well acquainted with him.
In a Woe 26, 1883, letter covering the Report
of the Riots Commission, Governor Longden discussed Olcott while reviewing
the root causes for the brawl. The most important such cause was, in Longden’s
view, the revival of Buddhism. There could be, he wrote, “no doubt” about the
“genuineness” of the revival. Signs of it were everywhere:
The outer evidence of it is to be seen in the rebuilding of old
shrines, . . . the larger offerings
made to the Temples. Within the Buddhist Church the revival is signalized by a
greater number of ordinations held with greater publicity, the care with which
the Buddhist doctrines are being taught in the Pali language in the Vidyodaya
College and in the monasteries, and the preparation of Buddhist Catechisms in
the native and even in the English language.
Longden appended to his report
a copy of Olcott’s Catechism and
remarked that the Colonel had “very warmly espoused the cause of Buddhism.” The
creole nature of Olcott’s actions was not lost on Longden, who remarked that
the Colonel “brought the energy of Western propagandism to [the revival’s]
aid.”
In a subsequent dispatch to
Colonial Secretary Derby, Longden again mentioned Olcott, but now in more
ominous terms. It was only a matter of time, he wrote, before one or two
individuals would arise and take control of Buddhist affairs on the island.
Given the “negligent character of the Sinhalese mind,” he reasoned, it was
likely that non-Asian Buddhists would fill these leadership roles.
In May of 1884, almost a year
after Longden had warned his superiors about the Colonel, Olcott arrived in
London. Though officials were wary of augmenting his already significant
influence, he was able to meet with Lord Derby’s assistant undersecretary, R.
H. Meade. Shortly thereafter he sent a memo to Lord Derby, demanding: (1) that
Catholics accused of instigating the riot be brought to trial; (2) that
Buddhists be guaranteed the right to exercise their religion freely; (3) that
Wesak—the full moon day on which the Sinhalese commemorate the Buddha’s
birth, enlightenment, and death—be declared a public holiday; (4) that all
restrictions against the use of tom-toms and other musical instruments in
religious processions be removed; (5) that Buddhist registrars be appointed;
and (6) that the question of Buddhist temporalities (the supposedly negligent
control of Buddhist properties by monks) be resolved. Olcott enclosed with his
memo some accompanying documents that testified to the “discontent and
despair” that had in his view gripped the island’s Buddhists following the Kotahena
riots. He hinted that, if ignored, their dissatisfaction might result in a
rebellion.
Only two of Olcott’s requests
were speedily granted. In the fall of 1884, colonial officials agreed to pursue
“more of a hands off policy” regarding the use of tom-toms and other musical
instruments in religious processions; and on April 28, 1885, Wesak became an
official holiday in British Ceylon.
Following the negotiations with
Meade, Olcott wrote to the chairman of the Buddhist Defense Committee and
informed him, over-optimistically, that his mission had been a complete
success. Olcott’s Sinhalese supporters concluded that the British proclamation
of Wesak as a public holiday was “primarily due to Colonel Olcott’s appeal,”
and on April 28, 1885, during the first government-recognized celebration of
the Buddha’s birthday’, the now-venerable name of Olcott was invoked frequently
and with great devotion.
DESPITE CLAIMS THAT
Olcott initiated the Sinhalese Buddhist Revival, his connection with the
movement was, as he himself recognized, neither as originator (credit
Mohottivatte Gunananda) nor as culminator (credit Anagarika Dharmapala) but as
organizer and articulator. It was Olcott who agitated for Buddhist civil
rights, and who gave the revival its organizational shape by founding voluntary
associations, publishing and distributing tracts, and, perhaps most important,
establishing schools. It was he who articulated most eloquently the “Protestant
Buddhism” synthesis. The most Protestant of all early “Protestant Buddhists,” Olcott
was a culture broker with one foot planted in traditional Sinhalese Buddhism
and the other in liberal American Protestantism. By creatively combining these
two sources, along with other influences such as theosophy, academic
Orientalism, and metropolitan gentility, he helped to craft a new form of
Buddhism that thrives today not only in Sri Lanka but also in the United
States.
From The White Buddhist: The Asian Odyssey of Henry Steel Olcott, Indiana
University Press, 1996.
Courtesy: TRICYCLE: THE BUDDHIST REVIEW, Fall 1996, pp. 13-19.
The International Buddhist Flag
Recognized by All Buddhist Traditions
The Buddhist flag, first hoisted in 1885 in Sri Lanka, is a symbol of faith and peace used throughout the world to represent the Buddhist faith.
The six colors; Blue (nila), Yellow (pita), Red (lohita), White (odata), Scarlet (manjestha), and the mixture of these six colors (prabaswara) of the flag represent the colors of the aura that emanated from the body of the Buddha when He attained Enlightenment under the Bodhi Tree.
The Horizontal Stripes represent the races of the world living in harmony and the Vertical Stripes represent eternal world peace. The colors symbolize the perfection of Buddhahood and the Dharma.
The Blue light that radiated from the Buddha's hair symbolizes the spirit of Universal Compassion for all beings.
The Yellow light that radiated from the Buddha's epidermis symbolizes the Middle Way which avoids all extremes and brings balance and liberation.
The Red light that radiated from the Buddha's flesh symbolizes the blessings that the practice of the Buddha's Teaching brings.
The White light that radiated from the Buddha's bones and teeth symbolizes the purity of the Buddha's Teaching and the liberation it brings.
The Orange light that radiated from the Buddha's palms, heels and lips symbolizes the unshakable Wisdom of the Buddha's Teaching. The Combination Color symbolizes the universality of the Truth of the Buddha's Teaching. (Burmese Buddhist replaced with Pink.)
Therefore, the overall flag represents that:
Regardless of race, nationality, division or color, all sentient beings possess the potential of Buddhahood.
The six colors are better interpreted as :
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1.
Blue: signifying the concept of loving kindness and peace
in Buddhism |
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2.
Yellow: signifying the Middle Path, that is, the complete
absence of form and emptiness |
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3.
Red: signifying achievement, wisdom, virtue, fortune and dignity. |
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4.
White: signifying purity, emancipation, that the Dharma will
always exist regardless of time or space. |
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5.
Orange: the essence of Buddhism which is full of wisdom,
strength and dignity.
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6.
The combination of these five colors symbolizes that it is
the one and only Truth. |
The horizontal bars signify peace and harmony between all races throughout the world while the vertical bars represent eternal peace within the world. In simple terms, the Buddhist Flag implies that there is no discrimination of races, nationality, areas or skin color; that every living being possess the Buddha Nature and all have the potential to become a Buddha.
Images of Olcott in Modern-Day Ceylon (Sri Lanka)
Links of Interest
Colonel Olcott - His Service To Buddhism by B.P. Kirthisinghe, M.P. HTML
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